The Last Ten Years by Xu Zhiyong Lyrics
In July 2003, the Southern Metropolis Daily was first, and then
repeatedly, investigated by Guangzhou’s judiciary and law enforcement
system as a result of its vigorous reporting on the Sun Zhigang case. By the end of the year, the investigation “found” that there had
been procedural violations when the paper’s management distributed a
bonus of RMB 580,000 a few years back, and its general manager
Yu Huafeng (喻华峰) was arrested on charges of graft and bribery. Our
еntire team got involved in thе case, and I was one of the defense lawyers.
It was also our first encounter with the stability maintenance. Our
website was closed down, and the third meeting with netizens to spread
the truth was “harmonized.” The day the “Sunshine Constitutionalism”
website (阳光宪政网) was shut down, I wrote We Are Still Sincere:
“Perhaps we will face more difficulties even after constitutionalism is
realized. We know very well that, there is the shadow of 2000 years
of autocracy on this land, and the road to constitutionalism is bound to be
long and arduous. But the endeavor for justice must be made by someone,
and that’s why we are making it. …We are a group of Chinese citizens who
take up this responsibility…… We are not just critics; we are also
builders.”
In the second half of 2004, I was in the United States to study its
constitution and elections, experiencing firsthand how an ordinary voter
participated in politics as a grassroots volunteer for a presidential
candidate. In the meantime, Guo Yushan and Teng Biao hosted the
people’s representative election forum in our oce
in Huaqing Jiayuan (华清嘉园, a residential neighborhood in Beijing’s
university district). In September, when Peking University’s
“yi ta hu tu” bbs (一蹋糊涂) was shut down, Teng Biao, Yu Jiang and I co-authored a letter of protest while the students staged a lawn assembly to
demonstrate in Jing Yuan (静园). Our action drew attention from “the
relevant organ” and we were forced to suspend the use of the oce. In
March 2005, six private organizations for public service were shut down
without being given any reasons, including the research center we had
registered as well as Mr. Mao Yushi’s Unirule Institute of Economics (天则
经济研究所). What I heard was that these NGOs caused someone to fear a
“color revolution.” I asked the local director of Industry and Commerce
why, and he said it was an order from his superiors. We gave up without
bringing a lawsuit. In June, we registered Gong Meng, or the Open
Constitution Initiative.
repeatedly, investigated by Guangzhou’s judiciary and law enforcement
system as a result of its vigorous reporting on the Sun Zhigang case. By the end of the year, the investigation “found” that there had
been procedural violations when the paper’s management distributed a
bonus of RMB 580,000 a few years back, and its general manager
Yu Huafeng (喻华峰) was arrested on charges of graft and bribery. Our
еntire team got involved in thе case, and I was one of the defense lawyers.
It was also our first encounter with the stability maintenance. Our
website was closed down, and the third meeting with netizens to spread
the truth was “harmonized.” The day the “Sunshine Constitutionalism”
website (阳光宪政网) was shut down, I wrote We Are Still Sincere:
“Perhaps we will face more difficulties even after constitutionalism is
realized. We know very well that, there is the shadow of 2000 years
of autocracy on this land, and the road to constitutionalism is bound to be
long and arduous. But the endeavor for justice must be made by someone,
and that’s why we are making it. …We are a group of Chinese citizens who
take up this responsibility…… We are not just critics; we are also
builders.”
In the second half of 2004, I was in the United States to study its
constitution and elections, experiencing firsthand how an ordinary voter
participated in politics as a grassroots volunteer for a presidential
candidate. In the meantime, Guo Yushan and Teng Biao hosted the
people’s representative election forum in our oce
in Huaqing Jiayuan (华清嘉园, a residential neighborhood in Beijing’s
university district). In September, when Peking University’s
“yi ta hu tu” bbs (一蹋糊涂) was shut down, Teng Biao, Yu Jiang and I co-authored a letter of protest while the students staged a lawn assembly to
demonstrate in Jing Yuan (静园). Our action drew attention from “the
relevant organ” and we were forced to suspend the use of the oce. In
March 2005, six private organizations for public service were shut down
without being given any reasons, including the research center we had
registered as well as Mr. Mao Yushi’s Unirule Institute of Economics (天则
经济研究所). What I heard was that these NGOs caused someone to fear a
“color revolution.” I asked the local director of Industry and Commerce
why, and he said it was an order from his superiors. We gave up without
bringing a lawsuit. In June, we registered Gong Meng, or the Open
Constitution Initiative.